David Livingstone was born in Scotland, the son of a tea-merchant.
At the age of ten he went to work in a cotton-mill, where he remained until
1836. Then, fired by the idea of becoming a medical missionary in
China, he entered Glasgow University, where he qualified as a doctor in
1840. Meanwhile he had offered his services to the directors of the
London Missionary Society [LMS], who accepted him after a period of probation.
The Opium War making it impossible for him to go to China as he intended,
Robert Moffat (whom he met in London and who afterwards became his father-in-law)
succeeded in persuading him to turn his thoughts to Africa. In December
1840 he sailed for Capetown.
He made his way up to Kuruman in Bechuanaland,
Moffat's headquarters where he began his ministry. The following
is from his reports to the LMS.
From: D. Livingstone Missionary Travels and
Researches in South Africa (London: J. Murray, 1857)
John Arundel Kuruman, 22 Dec, 1841
London Missionary Society
London
My dear Sir,
You kindly permitted me to address you occasionally a private com munication,
and though I have now been away from England more than twelve months I
have not yet availed myself of that privelege, but I have not delayed long.
I have indeed been long from England, but I have only been but a very short
time here. My time has been spent in the long long journey to this
place, and recently I have returned from another pretty long journey beyond
it. I undertook this latter journey by the advice and with the approbation
of Mssrs. Hamilton & Edwards, to whose counsels I was commended by
the Directors before leaving home. The object of it was to ascertain
the state & disposition of certain tribes living North & North East
of this. They had frequently sent messages to the bretheren requesting
missionaries, and as frequently the bretheren were anxious to visit them,
but Mr. E. could not leave Mr. Hamilton alone for so long a period
as was necessary, and it was only when we arrived that the way seemed open.
As the Interior is to be my field of labour, I confess I was glad of an
opportunity of entering it at this time.
Our journey was, in going & returning, at least 700 miles
in length, but though so long we were not at any time more than 250 directly
north. This however is farther in that direction than any missionaries
have yet been. In one case the people had not before seen a white
face, and in some others only one, viz. that of an enterprising trader
who has frequently penetrated far beyond anyone else. We were however
every where received with respect, and by those tribes situated farthest
off even with kindness.
I was astonished at the difference observable near to Mission
stations. Within a distance of 100 miles, the people who do not live
actually on the stations are violent opponents of the gospel. They
partially know the requirements of the gospel, they know they must put
away their superfluous wives, &c &c, and on that account they hate
it cordially. They won't listen. The chiefs to please the teachers
call the people to gether, but the latter know the minds of the chiefs,
& they refuse to come. They flock[e]d round the waggons for medicine,
& would talk on any subject except that which of all others is the
most important to be known, and I was pained to hear the scorn thrown on
the name of Jesus when they thought I did not hear them. One chief
got up a dance round Mr Hamilton lately to drown his voice while preaching.
This was an outrage that would not be committed by any other chief but
himself, but though not openly opponents to that extent they are no less
certainly unfavourable to preaching. When I say this I don't refer
to those situated far beyond us. They know nothing of the gospel
nor of missionaries, except that we are good people & friendly with
all. But they, equally with those nearer -- perhaps to
a greater degree, possess an impression that Europeans are a decidedly
superior race of people and it would be dangerous to provoke our enmity.
In respect to their opinion of us, it must have undergone a complete revolution
in the space of the last 20 years.
And to what are we to attribute this favourable change, by which
any white man may travel through the length & breadth of the land without
fear of molestation ? It would be pleasant if could we attribute
it to the influence of the gospel which has so long, so affectionately
& faithfully been preached to them. I expected this was the case,
but when I have seen one impression over all the tribes, and this stronger
in pro portion as we recede from the regions where the gospel is known,
I am compelled to give the credit of the change to a less lovely influence,
viz. the successive defeat of two large bands of marauders, who had overcome
& treated with great cruelty nearly all the Bechuanas, by a mere handful
of Boors & Griquas.
But this impression, which exists in full force in all the tribes
beyond 100 miles of this, will not long remain so. They are now purchasing
guns themselves rapidly. They are visited by traders every year,
and also by Griquas for the same purpose with the traders, and these latter
are giving them the diseases of Europeans without any of their civiliza tion.
(The venereal disease was unknown amongst them untill this same year it
was taken into the Interior by a Griqua whom I know.) Persons also from
the tribes adjoining us are passing in for the sake of getting game; and
if a vigorous effort is not instantly made by us, I see no prospect left
but that soon the tribes situated 200 & 250 miles distant will become
as much opponents of the gospel as those within 100 miles of us.
Now you must not think me visionary when I say the effort could
be made immediately. We don't need European missionaries to do it.
They are good, but much can be done with far less expensive machinery.
The whole of the tribes we visited could now be placed under effective
in structors, had we only the means to employ them. The distant tribes
would all receive them, not however from a desire to be instructed, for
I could not ascertain that motive was present in the mind of a single individual
we visited. It is not by any means like the South Sea Islands.
One wishes a teacher because it will make him of more importance in the
eyes of his neighbours, another expects a lot of guns with him, &c.
But it is well they are willing at all to allow teachers to come amongst
them. Some of the tribes nearer would not allow so much; they say
if a white teacher comes we will listen to him, but we won't have a black
one. This however is just an excuse, for they won't listen to a white
teacher either. The native teachers are really most efficient agents
in the dissemination of religious truth, and if we had two with each of
the Interior tribes I don't hesitate to affirm that as much would by the
Divine blessing be effected by them, in the way of removing prejudice &
enlightening & saving the people, as would be effected by any two Europeans
for the first half dozen years at least.
Yours affectionately, D. Livingston
[LMS 18. Received May 1842]
To Arthur Tidman 1 November 1848
London Missionary Society
London
Dear Sir,
No portion of our lives ever seemed to glide more swiftly past than
the year which has elapsed since our location on the Kolobeng. Our
operations have been characterized by a pleasant variety, but of neces sity
chiefly confined to our own people. The results, though consider able
compared with nothing, are trifling indeed when contrasted with what remains
to be done. Many discussions & incidents have occurred to cheer
us in our solitude, and an interest has been imparted which often lightened
the manual labour in which, during the intervals of service, it was necessary
constantly to engage. Circumstances have also developed considerable
opposition, but it has been of a kind which afforded much encouragement,
for our most bitter opponents seemed to entertain no personal animosity
and never alluded to their enmity to the gospel in our presence unless
specially invited to state their objections.
An event which excited more open enmity than any other was the
profession of faith and subsequent reception of the chief into the church.
As the circumstances which led us to recieve his confession as genuine
are somewhat peculiar, I may be allowed to mention a few particulars in
order that the Directors may form an opinion as to the propriety of
the step we have taken.
The state of the Bakwains about three years ago was very unlike
that of the tribes ajacent to the Kuruman, among whom the gospel
had been in silent operation for nearly a quarter of a century previous
to their obtaining the present ample supply. I have never been able
to con template the condition, especially of the old, without a painful
fore boding that our entreaties & warnings would only render their
doom the more terrible. They generally resist an invitation, or if
they listen to our message it is with the firm persuasion that they have
been pre served to old age by some medicine or other, and it would be folly
to think of another saviour now.
Sechele, though generally intelligent, had imbibed largely of
the pre vailing superstition, and in addition to being the chief rain doctor
of the tribe we have had evidence that he was reckless of human life.
Indeed, although he had the reputation among other tribes of being addicted
to witchcraft, he thought it highly meritorious to put all suspected witches
to death. From the first day of residence with the Bakwains to this,
he attended school & all our services with unvarying regularity.
The first indication of deep feeling observed in him was when, sitting
together under our waggon during the heat of the day, I endeavoured to
describe 'the great white throne', 'the Judgement se[a]t', &c.
He said, 'These words shake all my bones, my strength is gone'; and the
existence of our Lord previous to his appearance among men, & Divine
nature, surprised him greatly.
We have often during the three years in which we have been with
the tribe witnessed that the word of God was with power, and as his knowledge
increased he professed among his own people firm belief in the divine truth,
and great thankfulness because the gospel had been sent to him while so
many were left in darkness. A poor scoffer from one of the Southern
tribes having visited him, we felt anxious lest his taunts should have
an injurious effect, but felt relieved when we ascer tained that while
Sechele treated his visitor with the deference due to his station in his
own tribe, instead of argument generally sat down by his side & read
four or five chapters of the Testament to him. 'His taunts are very
bitter', said he, 'but I fear only for my people, lest they too should
believe as he does'.
The greatest sacrifice he had to make was the renuntiation of
poly gamy. Of all other sins, they had possessed the idea that they
were wrong, but this practice had never been imagined as possessed of moral
turpitude. His superfluous wives were decidedly the most amiable
females in the town, our best scholars too; and hoping that their souls
also might be given to us, we did not feel called upon otherwise to press
the point in question than by publically endeavouring to declare the whole
counsel of God. Two of them were the daughters of under chiefs through
whose influence, after his father's murder, he had been enabled to succeed
to the chieftainship. This circumstance made his parting with them
assume the appearance of ingratitude, and led him to propose to remove
to some other country for four years, in order that they might in the interval
forget him & become married to others.
[LMS 44. Received 28 April 1849.]
The natives, finding it irksome to sit and wait helplessly until God
gives them rain from heaven, entertain the more comfortable idea that they
can help themselves by a variety of preparations, such as charcoal made
of burned bats, inspissated renal deposit of the mountain coney (which
by the way is used in the form of pills as a good anti-spasmotic, under
the name of 'stone-sweat.') the internal parts of different animals
-- as jackals' livers, baboons' and lions' hearts, and hairy calculi
from the bowels of old cows -- serpents' skins and vertebrae,
and every kind of tuber, bulb, root, and plant to be found in the country.
Although you disbelieve their efficacy in charming the clouds to pour out
their refeshing treasures, yet, conscious that civility is useful everywhere,
you kindly state that you think they are mistaken as to their power; the
rain-doctor selects a particular bulbous root, pounds it, and administers
a cold infusion to a sheep, which in five minutes afterwards expires in
convusions. Part of the same bulb is converted into smoke and ascends
towards the sky; rain follows in a day or two. The inference is obvious.
Were we as much harassed by droughts, the logic would be irresistable in
England in 1857.
As the Bakwains believed that there must be some connection between
the presence of 'God's Word' in their town and these successive and distressing
droughts, they looked with no good will at the church-bell, but still they
invariably treated us with kindness and respect. I am not aware of
every having had an enemy in the tribe. The only avowed cause of
dislike was expressed by a very influential and sensible man, the uncle
of Sechele. 'We like you as well as if you had been born among
us; you are the only white man we can become familiar with; but we wish
you to give up that everlasting preaching and praying; we cannot become
familiar with that at all. You see we never get rain, while those
tribes who never pray as we do obtain abundance.' This was a fact;
and we often saw it raining onthe hills, ten miles off, while it would
not look at us 'even with one eye.' If the Prince of the power of
the air had no hand in scorching us up, I fear I often gave him credit
for doing so.
As for the rain-makers, they carried the sympathies of the people
along with them, and not without reason. With the following arguments
they were all acquainted, and in order to understand their force wemust
place ourselves in their position, and believe, as they do, that all medicines
act by a mysterious charm. The term for cure may be translated 'charm.'
Medical Doctor--Hail friend! How very many medicines you have
about you this morning! Why, you have every medicine in the country
about.
R.D.-- Very true, my friend; and I ought; for the whole country needs
the rain which I am making.
M.D.-- So you really believe that you can command the clouds?
I think that can be done by God alone.
R.D.-- We both believe the very same thing. It is God that makes
the rain, but I pray to him by means of these medicines, and, the
rain coming, of course it is then mine. It was I who made it for
the Bakwains for many years, when they were the Shokuane; through my wisdom,
too, their women became fat and shining. Ask them; they will tell
you the same as I do.
M.D.-- But we are distinctly told in the parting words of our Saviour
that we can pray to God acceptably in His name alone, and not by means
of medicines.
R.D.-- Truly! But God told us differently. He made black men
first, and did not love us, as he did the white men. He made you
beautiful, and gave you clothing, and guns, and gunpowder, and horses,
and waggons, and many other things about which we know nothing. But
towards us he had no heart. He gave us nothing, except the assegai,
and cattle, and rain-making; and did not give us hearts like yours.
We never love each other. Other tribes place medicines about our
country to prevent the rain, so that we may be dispersed by hunger, and
go to them, and augment their power. We must dissolve their charms
by our medicinces. God has given us one little thing, which you know
nothing of. He has given us the knowlege of certain medicines by
which we can make rain. We do not despise those things which you
possess, though we are ignorant of them. We don't understand your
book, but we don't despise it. You ought not to despise our little
knowledge, though you are ignorant of it.
M.D.-- I don't despise what I am ignorant of; I only think
you are mistaken in saying you have medicines which can influence
the rain at all.
R.D.-- That's just the way people speak when they talk on a subject
of which they have no knowledge. When we first opened our eyes, we
found our forefathers making rain, and we follow in their footsteps.
You, who send to Kuruman for corn, and irrigate your garden, may do without
rain; we cannot manage in that way. If we had no rain, the cattle
would have no pasture, the cows give no milk, our children become lean
and die, our wives run away to other tribes who do make rain, and
have corn, and the whole tribe become dispersed and lost; our fire would
go out.
M.D.-- I quite agree with you as to the value of the rain, but
you cannot charm the clouds by your medicines, and take the credit
which belongs to God only.
R.D.-- I use my medicines, and you employ yours; we are both
doctors, and doctors are not deceivers. You give a patient
medicine. Sometimes God is pleased to heal him by means of
your medicine; sometimes not -- he dies. When he is cured you take
the credit of what God does. I do the same. Sometimes God grants
us rain, sometimes not. When he does we take the credit of the charm.
When a patient dies, you don't give up trust in your medicine, neither
do I when rain fails. If you wish me to leave off my medicines, why
continue your own?
M.D.-- I give medicines to living creatures within my reach, and can
see the effects, though no cure follows; you pretend to charm the
clouds which are so far above us that your medicines never reach them.
The clouds usually lie in one direction, and your smoke goes in another.
God alone can command the clouds. Only try and wait patiently; God
will give us rain without your medicines.
R.D.-- Mahala-ma-kapa-a-a!! Well, I always thought white men
were wise till this morning. Who ever thought of making a trial of
starvation? Is death pleasant then?
M.D.-- Could you make it rain in one spot and not on another?
R.D.-- I wouldn't think of trying. I like to see the whole country
green, and all the people glad; the women clapping their hands and giving
me their ornaments for thankfulness and lullilooing for joy.
M.D.-- I think you deceive both them and yourself.
R.D.-- Well, then, there are two of us [who are deceivers.]
The above is only a specimen of their way of
reasoning, in which, when the language is well understood, they are perceived
to be remarkably acute. These arguments are generally known, and
I never succeeded in convincing a single individual of their fallacy, though
I tried to do so in every way I could think of. Their faith in medicines
as charms is unbounded. The general effect of argument is to produce
the impression that you are not anxious for rain at all, and it is very
undesirable to allow the idea to spread that you do not take a generous
interest in their welfare."
To Arthur Tidman 17 October, 1851
London Missionary Society
London
Dear Sir.
...The slave trade only began on the Sesheke in 1850. A party
of a tribe called the Mambari came to Sebitoane last year, carrying great
quantities of English manufactured goods, viz. blue, printed, and
striped cottons, blue, green, and red baize, and a few very old Portuguese
muskets. They declined everything in exchange for these except boys
of about fourteen years of age. The barter in these being repugnant
to the Basuto or Makololo, as Sebitoane's people are called,' they offered
both cattle and ivory, but the Mambari preferred slaves to either.
They subsequently incited the Makololo to go on a foray against the Bashukulompo
or Babolebotle, stipulating that in consideration for the use of their
guns they should receive all the cap tives, while the people of Sebitoane
would take all the cattle. While on this expedition the Makololo
met a party of slave dealers on the Man inche, and gave them about 30 captives
for three English muskets. The Mambari carried off, bound in chains,
about 200 slaves, chiefly boys & girls; for though the Makololo would
not part with their own children, they had no objection to sell those of
the tribes living in subjection to them. Both Mambari and Portuguese
were so well satisfied with their new customers they promised them a visit
during the present year. We were in hopes of meeting them, but they
did not come during the period we remained in the country. The price
of a boy was one old Portuguese musket or about 9 yards of cotton or baize.
When we reached Sebitoane's people we were much pleased to see
so many wearing European articles of clothing. And since our country's
manufactures are so highly valued in the very middle of Africa, it is a
pity the market cannot be supplied by legitimate commerce. There
seems to be a large demand. Many tribes were mentioned to us as pos sessing
an abundant supply. The Makololo purchased eagerly, and though they
promised to refrain from traffic in slaves, the only effectual means of
stopping the trade would be by supplying the market with English goods
in exchange for the produce of the country.
That Christian merchants who may have enterprise enough to com mence
a trade in these parts would be no losers in the end may be in ferred from
what has taken place on this river (the Zouga) since its discovery.
There being formerly no market, we saw many instances of ivory rotting
in the sun. The people called the tusks 'marapo hela', 'bones only',
and they shared the fate of other bones. Indeed, they were much more
anxious to sell a tusk worth in Graham's Town 4/6 per lb. than to
part with a goat for a larger price, the whole value of which was not more
than 2/6. We know of 900 elephants having been killed on its banks
since that period, and, independantly of quantities of ivory which have
found their way to the Colony by other channels, a merchant at Kuruman
took 23,000 lbs of that article thither during the present year, and the
greater portion of it came from this river alone. If one river tends
to swell the amount of the commerce of the Colony, what may not be expected
from numerous rivers all much more densely populated than the Zouga?
The supply of this one article cannot be expected to continue always so
large, but the natives readily acquire the habit of keeping articles (in
expectation of the return of the trader) which at present are allowed to
run to waste. The only use the ivory found on the rivers indicated
in the map is turned to is the formation of armlets, and half an inch is
lost in the formation of each, the saw employed being 1/4 of an inch
in diameter. They would all prefer brass wire to ivory for armlets.
Honey abounds, but the wax is always thrown away; and the only use hitherto
made of ostrich feathers is to adorn the head in dancing. The return
of the slave dealer is never longed for by the poorer classes, but all
classes are glad to recieve the visits of the English trader.
Since it is found profitable for those engaged in the coast trade
to pass along picking up ivory, beeswax, &c &c, would it not be
much more advantageous to come up the Zambesi and receive those articles
from the producers themselves? I venture to put this forth, though
entirely ignorant of the commerce on the coast. But I feel assured,
if our mer chants could establish a legitimate commerce on the Zambesi
they would soon drive the slave dealer from the market, and be besides
great gainers in the end. Europeans may come up the Zambesi in the
months of June, July & August. We had frost on the Chobe in June
& July. But no one ought to venture sooner. September is
safer as respects liability to being seized by fever than May. Would
the Government supply this information to those engaged in the coast trade?
Or would it be better to wait untill I can point out, by my own residence
in & knowledge of the country & climate, a spot of known healthiness
& easy of access by the Sesheke, to which commercial men might be invited
to carry their enterprise? The Portuguese have a sanatorium far in
the Interior, and Tetel is reported comparatively healthy. The history
of our stations renders it doubtful whether the rearing of such is the
best way of propa gating Christianity, comfortable establishments presenting
such strong temptations to remain, though the tribes for which they were
reared have departed. And though I have undergone much fatigue &
manual labour in rearing three such, I would cheerfully undergo much more
if it would prove a sanatorium for more unhealthy districts. Let
it once be found that Christian missionaries and Christian merchants can
remain throughout the year in the Interior of the continent, & in ten
years the slave dealer will be driven out of the market.
[LMS 59 received 15 March, 1852]
. . .
. . . .
. . . .
The Africans are all deeply embued with the spirit of trade.
We found great difficulty in getting past many villages. Every artifice
was employed to detain us that we might purchase our suppers from them,
and having finished all the game they are entirely dependant on English
calico for clothing. It is retailed to them by inches. A small
piece will purchase a slave. If they had the opportunity of a market,
they could raise on their rich soil abundance of cotton and zingoba beans
for oil. I cannot say they were lazy, though they did seem to take
the world easy. Their hair was elaborately curled. Many of
their villages were models of neatness, and so were their gardens &
huts. Many were in veterate musicians, and made one remember how
much of our Anglo Saxon energy is expended in dress & in the howling
of pianos.
The men who went with me to Loanda did so in order to open up
a path for commerce, and without any hope of payment from me.Though compelled
to part with their hard won earnings in that city for food on our way home,
I never heard a murmer. The report they gave of the expedition both
in public and private, and very kind expression[s] to wards myself, were
sufficiently flattering. A fresh party was dispatched with ivory
under the guidance of an Arab from Zanzibar, and two days only given for
preparation. And when they return, or even sooner, my companions
are to start again. That their private opinions are in accor dance
with their public professions I have evidence in the number of volunteers
who offer themselves to go to the East with me, knowing I have not wherewith
to purchase food even. And they are not an en thusiastic race either.
There is not the least probability of any mere adventurer attaining much
influence among them.
If the movement now begun is not checked by some untoward event,
the slave trade will certainly come to a natural termination in this quarter.
Our cruizers have rendered slaves of so little value now on the coast,
the Mambari purchase for domestic use alone, and they can still buy in
some of the Batoka tribes only on account of the very high value put upon
small pieces of clothing. They could not come for slaves alone; but
the Makololo, feeling the value of the ivory which enables the Mambari
to make the trip, have resolved to purchase it all. Commerce has
the effect of speedily letting the tribes see their mutual dependance.
It breaks up the sullen isolation of heathenism. It is so far good.
But Christianity alone reaches the very centre of the wants of Africa and
of the world. The Arabs or Moors are great in commerce, but few will
say they are as amiable as the uncivilized negroes in consequence.
You will see I appreciate the effects of commerce much, but those of Christianity
much more.
[LMS 91: Livingstone to Tidman, October 12, 1855]